台灣#MeToo運動為何遲到？ Why the #MeToo Movement Is Delayed in Taiwan?

顧燕翎

 有性平但沒有女性主義

       近年來不論在匿名的網路世界或者公開的大學學生會選舉，都充满了仇視或貶抑女性的言論，例如以「制裁台女，終結噁男」、「Ａ罩杯以下女生國防必修二學分」等等做為競選政見。今年五月底開始，執政的民進黨連續爆發多起嚴重的性騷擾事件，更是震驚社會，高潮疊起，知情人士聲稱，這只是氷山一角，實際的數量為已知的十倍或百倍，且涉及極高層。有學者稱這些仇女厭女行徑是「女性主義反挫勢力的逆襲」，我卻認為這反映的是女性主義的缺席，而非反撲，我們的社會仍處於前女性主義時期。

女性主義的逆襲應是以女性主義為對象，進行反駁或攻㩓，提出反對意見或不同主張。逆襲通常發生在婦運的高峰時期，例如二十世紀初期美國婦運大舉爭取投票權，旗鼓相當的反女性投票運動應運而生，形成反挫。仔細檢視當前台灣社會的厭女言論和行為，卻彷若回到女性主義尚未出現的年代。

修性平三法必先正名 The 3 gender-related laws need a definition for gender

 必也正名乎？—修改性平三法的第一步

顧燕翎  

台灣#MeToo爆發後，朝野政黨最大的共識似乎是立即修改性平三法，越快越好。求快固然表示決心，更重要的是同時必須求好，方不致治絲異棼，解決了一個問題，又創造出更多問題。

 首先我們必須為基本名詞做出明確定義和分類，避免使用「多元性別」這種模糊文字和概念，例如「性別平等教育法」第18條要求學校教材內容「應平衡反映不同性別之歷史貢獻及生活經驗，並呈現多元之性別觀點」，性別的定義就變得格外重要，也是父母們放心不下的議題。多元性別指涉的內容究竟是什麼？如果沒有事先具有充分討論、達成相當共識的法律定義，很可能因為性平三法賦於執行者太大權力，修法後從關係人各自解讀，演變成權力競逐的殺戮戰場。

 從數學集合論的觀點看，性別是一大集合，其子集合包括生理性別和社會（心理／文化）性別，或者男、女、跨性別、雙性人…；性傾向（性喜好）是另一大集合，其子集合則包括異性戀、同性戀、雙性戀…；而性別氣質、性別認同、性別表現或許可以歸為社會性別的子集合。那麼在設計教材時，如何處理性別歷史和經驗便可能與性的歷史與經驗有所區隔，內容可以視學生的身心成熟度調整，並納入家長的意見。

 目前台灣通用的「多元性別是LGBTQI+的中文翻譯，直譯的話是「女同性戀、男同性戀、雙性戀、跨性別、酷兒、雙性人及其他」，各自屬於獨立的類別／集合，而且不包括人數最多的男、女及異性戀，所以較為精確的翻譯應是「性別少數和性少數」。相形之下，「多元性別」語意較為不明，这也是為什麼第三屆(2018)國際消歧公約(CEDAW)審查委員會認為台灣在sex和gender這兩個名詞的概念和使用上有誤，要求改正。

「性別」、「多元性別」、「性別平等」究竟代表什麼意思從未經法律或官方正式定義，檢視各項法律、公文中使用的「性別統計」、「任一性別」、「所有性別」、「性別目標」，其指涉的性別內涵並不全然相同，令人費解，與聯合國、歐盟、或瑞典等國在訂立法規時必先定義重要名詞的作法截然不同。我唯一搜尋到的正式定義是在台北市的「台北市政府營造友善同志暨多元性別環境實施計劃」：「本計畫所提之同志(LGBTI)暨多元性別係指女同性戀、男同性戀、雙性戀、跨性別及雙性人，同志家庭及其第二代之權益保障…」。這個行政命令由同志主導，卻將同志從多元性別之內移出，將同志和多元性別當做兩個平行的分類（同志暨多元性別）同時也剔除了Q（酷兒），多元性別只剩下了跨性別及雙性人，不只沒有男、女，與一般認知的多元性別即LGBTQI也有所差異。更證明了我們在發展新的概念和律法時，同時需要新的名詞和精準的定義，方能有助溝通，釐清觀念，建立共識，並且避免誤解。

女性主義的反挫，還是缺席？ The backlash or absence of feminism in Taiwan today?

女性主義的反挫還是缺席？

 https://udn.com/news/story/7339/7214974

女性主義的反挫，還是缺席？

顧燕翎 

 近年來不論在匿名的網路世界或者公開的大學學生會選舉，都充满了仇視或貶抑女性的言論。這兩天陸續爆發在民進黨性平部（今年二月以前為婦女部，事件的發生在婦女部時期）、青年部、組織部和高市府的性騷擾更強化了這樣的印象。但這是「女性主義反挫勢力的逆襲」？還是女性主義的缺席？值得深思。

女性主義的逆襲應是以女性主義為基礎，對其進行反駁或攻㩓，提出反對意見或者不同主張。然而仔細檢視這些事件當中的言論和行為，卻彷若回到前女性主義時代，找不到絲毫女性主義的踪影。

暫且不論其他事件，婦女部無庸置疑是婦運的成果，其橫空出世一方面宣示了政黨追求性別平等的決心，同時也為婦女開創了政治活動的空間和權力的管道，有重要的象徵和實質意義。然而當受害者向婦女部主管申訴典型的工作場所權勢性騷擾時，在法律上需負責防治性騷擾及採取糾正及補救措施的主管竟然提醒她不要張揚，以免自己（受害者）名譽受損，同時也向其他同仁打聽受害者有沒有「散布她（主任）的謠言」。為提升婦女權益而生的婦女部竟成了危害女性的工作環境，主管在事後竟仍然加官晉爵，升任黨的副祕書長！台灣的婦運究竟發生了什麼變化？

  1997年行政院婦權會成立，將近三十年來，政府推動性別主流化的努力可以說是全球最積極的：從中央到地方各級政府皆設立性平專案小組、訂立各項工作指標、定期開會、定期填寫表格呈報成果、執行性別主流化六大工具、接受中央和國際委員考核；投入大量行政資源，設立專責機構，任用專職人員；所有公務員每年必須上性平課程等等。只是在政策、課程和如山的公文中皆鮮少觸及婦運的基礎：女性主義。表格填不完，政策目標卻十分模糊。2012年起，以爭取亞洲性平領先地位並與國際接軌為名，各級婦權會陸續改稱性平會（雖然聯合國在2011年成立婦女署而非性別署）。在少數「性別專家」主導下，發明了台灣獨有的「多元性別」一詞，成為性別工作不容質疑的核心，卻因意義紛歧，不易理解，在執行上平添紛亂。政策內容的空泛賦予權勢者任意詮釋的自由，不受約束；而高壓的政治正確卻為無權無勢者增加相對剥奪感與焦慮，以致行為脫序。

 沒有女性主義的性別主流化擁有龐大的架構、複雜的工具，卻缺少對議題和方向深刻的使命感、具同理心的關懷，以致徒具形式。不重視女性主義的性平機制有助於少數女性參與權力遊戲，晉升高位，卻未必能為女性群體掃除工作和生存的障礙。當下婦運應當致力的，不是成為受主流歡迎的一分子，而是理解女性主義的理想，不畏困難，真正改變主流。

女性主義經典選讀 顧燕翎主編

女性主義經典選讀（重要著作選譯與評介51編）

 https://reading.udn.com/udnlib/zlsh/B/195717

性別 = 男女 + 多元性別？ Gender = men and women + multiple genders?

 顧燕翎 女性主義起點站      此文之簡版刋於聯合報民意論壇2023/3/9

Remembering Iris Pierce (1947 - 2015)

Pei Yuan Wu (2015/03/16)

When reaching a certain age, one is to face the inevitable eventuality: the passing, one by one, of one's contemporaries (or even younger ones). This is the situation I am right in. One more friend of mine, a female one, just passed away.

Standing Up to China Means Standing with Taiwan?

Y Ku 

My friend Jo sent me the following message and asked me what I thought about it.

https://www.aei.org/events/a-conversation-with-sen-dan-sullivan-r-ak-standing-up-to-china-means-standing-with-taiwan/?mkt_tok=NDc1LVBCUS05NzEAAAGIlxlbv_MFuKG3a9lW69PJZpIvN4aUg1AfAsr7sKNSMwNusWz8HUUx1IP8vOgAuXrKG1r6q9YzBs20nDCmB86dsvTBDhatITvjD3pkSPioNECnLQ

Here is my answer: 

        Today's China is different from what it was in the 1930s and 40s. The mindset of Cold War in Eisenhower's days should no longer govern the world in the 21st century. I hope the US will play a more positive role in promoting peaceful negotiations across the Taiwan Strait, at least not provoking confrontations or continuing to use Taiwan as an instrument  or a pawn in the "1st-island chain" in the Pacific for the US interest in East Asia.

         Senator Dan Sullivan exaggerated the threat and influence of China. He mentioned his visit to Taiwan in 2021 to provide vaccines because China prevented Taiwan from getting Western vaccines. It is totally untrue. The reality is that the DPP government not only delayed in buying Vaccines like Pfizer, Moderna and Az, but also prohibited local enterprises and religious groups from donating them to the Ministry of Health and Welfare. The alleged purpose was to preserve the market for a local product Medigen, which, unfortunately, was never approved by WHO. Neverthless, its price soared in the stock market from NT$30 per share in January 2020 to NT$389 in May 2021.

        We were not only short of vaccines, the government also put the production and distribution of masks under state control in 2020, but gave them as free gifts to foreign countries including the US. The people in Taiwan had to wait in long lines outside drug stores in rain or under the scorching sun to buy our own quotas. A friend of mine got up at 4:00 am so that he could buy the masks his daughter needed to go to work. To return the favor, countries like Japan, Lithuania, Slovakia, Checkslovakia and Poland, in addition to the US, also donated vaccines to Taiwan afterwards. But China's donation offer was not accepted by the DPP government.

          Nowadays the US actually poses more threat to Taiwan than any other countries. The  forced move of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. ,together with its engineers, to Arizona is an international act of robbery and tyranny. The forced selling and delayed delivery of US military weapons at prices much higher than what other countries had to pay has also been a long-term economic burden on Taiwan. I hope the people in Taiwan could be wise and lucky enough not to be turned into the second "heroic" Ukrain as Sullivan expected. 

       Taiwan is not Ukrain. Any country wants to be the next Ukrain?

Dissent on the conclusions made in the “ Experts Meeting on the Usage of Sex and Gender” called by the Department of Gender Equality, Executive Yuan on January 22, 2021 (Taiwan)

 Yenlin Ku  2022/11/24

(retired and working professor of women and gender studies, former and present member of government gender equality committees, former chair of Awakening Foundation, etc.)

I’m the “gender expert holding different opinions” in the 2021 meeting the Department of Gender Equality (DGE) referred to in its response to the issue of translation of sex and gender between Chinese and English. In that meeting I submitted the suggestions made by the Bi-lingual Translation Committee of the National Academy for Educational Research (NAER) at my formal request. Unfortunately, the suggestions were turned down in favor of the original decisions made by the DGE and its experts. Here are my standpoints:

1. The 3^rd CEDAW IRC (International Review Committee)’s concern that “the inappropriate conceptual and practical use of the terms ‘sex‘ and ‘gender‘ in Taiwan” does exist and has caused confusion and damage to the government, society and education. 

 2. I support the IRC’s suggestion that “The term’sex’ refers to biological differences between men and women. The term ’gender’ refers to socially constructed identities, attributes and roles for women and men and society’s social and cultural meaning for these biological differences resulting in hierarchical relationships between women and men and in the distribution of power and rights favoring men and disadvantaging women.＂

3. I believe the IRC’s recommendation that “the Government to align all the legislative texts and policy documents and promote the correct and consistent understanding of the terms ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ in line with CEDAW Convention and the Committee’s General Recommendation No. 28.” is urgently needed in Taiwan today.

4. Underneath is a chart combined of translations made by the DGE and the NAER for the sake of comparison:

NO.	Chinese	DGE’s translation	NAER’s translation
1	性別	Gender	gender (psychological/social) sex (biological)
2	性傾向	Sexual orientation	sexual orientation
3	性侵害	Sexual assault	sexual assault
4	性騷擾	Sexual harassment	sexual harassment
5	性霸凌	Sexual bullying	sexual bullying
6	性別認同	Gender identity	gender identity
7	性別特質	Gender traits	Sex trait(s)/ characteristic(s) (physical) Gender trait(s) / characteristic(s) (心理)
8	性別歧視	Gender discrimination	sex-based discrimination; sex discrimination; gender-based discrimination;  gender discrimination
9	任一性別[1]人數(代表)不得少於三分之一	Neither gender should occupy less than one-third of the seats of the committee/commission	Members of each sex shall constitute no less than one-third of the membership of the committee/commission.

 5. Furthermore, I agree with the recent recommendations made by the IRC’s reviews on human rights conventions in Taiwan: 

Terminology and Translation 

30. The Review Committee expresses its concern that confusion is created by the incorrect translations of certain terms from English to Chinese and Chinese to English, such as equality and gender diversity. In particular, the Committee is concerned that the Chinese term ‘平等’ is translated as both equality and equity, as shown in the Gender Equality Employment Act and the Gender Equity Education Act. Also, the Committee is concerned that gender diversity is translated as ‘multiple sex’, which is not correctly conveying the meaning of diverse gender. 

31. The Committee recommends that the Government solve this problem by only using the term ‘equality’, changing the English title of the Gender Equity Education Act by replacing ‘equity’ with ‘equality’ and applying the correct translation for gender diversity and other terminology involving gender. The Committee recommends that the correct terms and their meanings are commonly understood by government agencies, media and the general public. 

Review of the Third Reports of the Government of Taiwan on the Implementation of the International Human Rights Covenants

Concluding Observations and Recommendations adopted by the International Review Committee 

ICESCR｜經濟社會文化權利國際公約

ICCPR｜公民與政治權利國際公約

Taipei, 13 May 2022

顧燕翎主講: 女性主義經典選讀

女書店   10月1日 下午2:00-4:30  顧燕翎主講: 女性主義經典選讀。

線上與實體同步

Google Meet 視訊連結及Slido匿名提問連結+QR code；由老師推薦免收線上參與報名費200元，歡迎 燕翎老師 多多轉傳分享！

視訊連結：https://meet.google.com/hnh-bqbj-fqw

匿名提問：https://app.sli.do/event/5MofL9mAs2YUsBgHqsgntB

和平或戰爭？ Peace or War across the Taiwan Strait

 顧燕翎　　2022/09/10

              星期五傍晚，我走在民生東路四段。中秋長假的第一天，許多店家都提早打烊了，但仍有些店亮著燈，繼續營業。我走過老字號小上海小吃店，門口堆著湖州豆沙粽；走過電器行弘正，這是從前我老爸光顧的老店，後來我也習慣找他們買東西和修理家電；又走過剛裝修完成、新開張的鬍鬚張魯肉飯。

                微風輕輕吹拂著，熟悉的公車閃著紅燈停靠向站牌，站牌上的LED燈預告著下班車到來的時刻，一切如此平和有序，如此可以期待。我曾經在市政府工作過，了解這秩序的背後經過多少人、多少時間的努力。

               我不希望台海發生戰爭，不敢想像這街道、這樹木、這公車會突然因戰火化為廢墟、化做烏有；人們一夕之間失去生活、失去親愛的家人和朋友、失去畢生心血的成果，像烏克蘭那樣。

               今年２月24 日第一顆炮彈落下來以前，基輔街頭不也是一如往常熙熙攘攘，沒有一絲戰火的氣息？在西方媒體的街頭訪談中，多位烏克蘭人都相信不會開戰。人們總是以為或者期望，現狀不輕易改變，總是相信政客們的飾詞。

　　然而不論我們是否察覺，現狀卻是不斷在改變的，或大或小、或緩或急、或隱或現；政客和媒體可能遮掩事實、可能今是昨非，永遠藏我們無法捉摸的利害考量。那麼，我們這些極可能在不知不覺中淪為炮灰的平民百姓，可以如何看清現狀？如何影響現狀？甚至改變現狀？方不致踏上烏克蘭的覆轍，就需要更多的慎思明辨了。

顧燕翎簡歷

  2022／02

女性主義起點站

http://feminist-original.blogspot.com/

1970年代參與拓荒者出版社，1980年代參與創辦婦女新知雜誌社、婦女新知基金會、台大婦女研究室、台灣首開婦研課程（新竹交大），1990年代進入台北市政府工作，台灣首位femocrat，2000年代參與各級政府的性別主流化

曾任：

交通大學通識教育中心教授(1975-1998)

台灣大學婦女研究室研究員(1985-1987)

婦女新知基金會董事長(1997-1998)

台北市政府公務人員訓練中心主任(1998-2006)

台北市政府社會局局長(2002-2004)

世新大學性別研究所兼任教授（2008-2013）

台灣銀領協會理事長 （2014-2018）

行政院、台北市政府等政府機關女性權益／性別平等促進委員會委員 (2008-)

台北市YWCA董事(2013-2019)

Associate Researcher, Five College Women's Studies Research Center 1993

 Visiting Scholar, Institute for Research on Women and Gender, Stanford University 1988

女性主義及老年研究相關之中英文論文 (略)

近期著作

都是陌生旅程的起點 九歌出版社 2015

女性主義理論與流變 貓頭鷹出版社 初版2019，2版2020

台灣婦女運動 貓頭鷹出版社 2020

女性主義經典選讀 貓頭鷹出版社 2022