For Whom Is Taiwan’s Gender Policy? ---- Preparing for the Fifth CEDAW Report

Yenlin Ku

In July 2025, the Executive Yuan held a civil society consultation in preparation for the fifth national report on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), due for submission next year. The terms used in the report expanded beyond women to include gender, transgender women, LGBTI+, plural genders, sex and gender, gender-friendly, among others. A notable issue was the lack of definitions for these terms. These concepts and terms, absent from the original CEDAW, were introduced without explanation of their relevance to the Convention’s primary focus: women. For years, civil society groups have asked for definitions of "gender" and "plural genders." Again, the organizers of the consultation did not address the questions directly. They just implied that such terms could be found in the General Recommendations of CEDAW.  

 

The Directorate-General of Personnel Administration declared 2012 as the "Year of Gender Equality" in an effort to “align with international standards.” This initiative marked a shift in official terminology from “women” to "gender" in policy documents and ignited subsequent renaming of women's rights promotion commissions to gender equality commissions. In 2020, the Executive Yuan's Department of Gender Equality issued a directive in the form of a bilingual terminology chart mandating that the Chinese term "性別" (which can mean either gender or sex) be translated as "gender" in English, effectively excluding the use of "sex."  This decision was likely a response to concerns raised by international reviewers in the third CEDAW report regarding the ambiguous use of terminology by the government. Over the past decades, the contentious KMT and the DPP administrations both adopted the term “plural genders” (多元性別), but refrained from providing a formal definition. The motivation poses an interesting avenue for further research.

 

How important and relevant is the concept of gender in public policy? Many people may dismiss it a trivial matter. However, since the 20th century, a growing number of laws and policies have been enacted to regulate public and private life through the lens of gender. These policies impact interactions between individuals and institutions, compelling states and employers, for instance, to eliminate gender discrimination under agreements like CEDAW. Given that gender is now deeply intertwined with both public and private life, and that the government voluntarily takes up high-profile, quadrennial reviews of Taiwan’s gender policies with their invited international experts, shouldn’t the terminology and meanings used in the national report and related laws be sufficiently clear and consistent? After all, clarity and consistency are crucial for fostering productive discussion, building consensus, and enabling citizens to adjust their behavior and hold each other accountable under these laws? 

This raises another question: Is it reasonable to require citizens to rely on external interpretations—like CEDAW’s general recommendations --without thorough public discussion or explanation of new and unfamiliar concepts and regulations? As the Executive Yuan is working on its draft for the Anti-Discrimination Law, it remains to be seen whether the handling of gender terminology will continue to be vague and ambiguous without informing the general public.    

Should Surrogacy be legalized in Taiwan

 yenlin ku  27/05/2024

The Ministry of Health and Welfare introduced a draft revision of the Assisted Reproduction Act last week, adding a new chapter to legalize surrogacy. It specified that "surrogacy should be an altruistic act, not a commercial endeavor for profit." Accordingly, the draft recognizes the surrogate neither as the biological or legal mother of the child nor as a paid laborer. It prohibits the use of her eggs in the conception; and she must surrender motherhood to the intended parents at the birth of the child. Yet she could receive no wage except a limited amount of compensation for nutrition or supplements, required counseling, medical care, transportation, insurance, and loss of work hours. However, she is obliged to perform motherly duties and adhere to the Protection of Children and Youths Welfare and Rights Act, refraining from tobacco and alcohol. Moreover, on top of previous experience of pregnancy and childbirth, she must work non-stop for over nine months at the risk of her own life and health.

I am not a ciswoman

Yenlin Ku, May 2024

Recently I filled out an application form for a seminar on mental health and sexual violence in Taipei. The gender section offers three options: cisgender female (the Chinese translation meaning conforming female), cisgender (conforming) male, and other. After some consideration, I chose "other". Definitely I am not male. I am female, but nonconforming. For half a century I've been a feminist, dedicated to breaking the social constrains set upon women. Am I not a woman if I refuse to follow the stereotype of “woman”? Sojourner Truth’s centuries-old question: “Ain’t I a Woman?” echoes in my head, though we asked the same question for different reasons.

台灣#MeToo運動為何遲到？ Why the #MeToo Movement Is Delayed in Taiwan?

顧燕翎

 有性平但沒有女性主義

       近年來不論在匿名的網路世界或者公開的大學學生會選舉，都充满了仇視或貶抑女性的言論，例如以「制裁台女，終結噁男」、「Ａ罩杯以下女生國防必修二學分」等等做為競選政見。今年五月底開始，執政的民進黨連續爆發多起嚴重的性騷擾事件，更是震驚社會，高潮疊起，知情人士聲稱，這只是氷山一角，實際的數量為已知的十倍或百倍，且涉及極高層。有學者稱這些仇女厭女行徑是「女性主義反挫勢力的逆襲」，我卻認為這反映的是女性主義的缺席，而非反撲，我們的社會仍處於前女性主義時期。

女性主義的逆襲應是以女性主義為對象，進行反駁或攻㩓，提出反對意見或不同主張。逆襲通常發生在婦運的高峰時期，例如二十世紀初期美國婦運大舉爭取投票權，旗鼓相當的反女性投票運動應運而生，形成反挫。仔細檢視當前台灣社會的厭女言論和行為，卻彷若回到女性主義尚未出現的年代。

The Chinese Translation of the term "radical feminism"

       Yenlin Ku

         In the early 20^th century the English word “radical” was translated to ”激進” in Chinese and the term has been widely used ever since. As a result, “radical feminism” was translated to ”激進女性主義” in the 1970s. However, when it came to the 1990s, Fu Da-wei, a male history professor in Taiwan, argued that the translation should be switched to ”基進女性主義” , because the root of the English word “radical” is “root”. ”基” (meaning “basic” and ”fundamental”) in Chinese implies that change should come from the bottom. Many academics quickly replaced ”激進” with ”基進”. However, fundamentalism connotes a sense of strict adherence to the literal interpretation of scripture. In that case, ”基進” is poles apart from the critical and revolutionary nature of ”激進”.

 

      Furthermore, “基進”, a newly coined term, is unfamiliar to the majority of Chinese readers. Some consider it a purely academic usage. On the other hand, “激進” is popular and easy to understand. With its radical(部首) “water”, “激” pictures the splash and turbulence when fast flowing water runs into obstruction. The image of splashing and turbulent water reminds me of the vigorous and passionate struggle of the young feminists in the 1970s. Besides, “激進” also means complete and progressive changes.

從研究「婦女」到女性主義觀點研究：一探婦女研究在台灣的發展脈絡 From Studying "Women" to Feminist Studies-- Women's Studies in Taiwan

 台北女書店2021年11月13日線上研討會 On-line conference by fembooks in Taipei

顧燕翎

   1.    獨立新學門或整合入傳統學門（autonomous vs integrated）

  婦女運動一向有全球化性格，婦女研究則是20世紀中期婦運的產物，嚴格來說，源自美國大學校園，所以探討台灣的婦女研究不能只把眼光放在台灣，需要放在世界的脈絡中來看。

1970年代前後，年輕女性熱情投入婦運，卻發覺傳統學科沒法回答我們的問題，才感到需要開發女人自己的問題意識、理論和研究方法來開發屬於女人的知識。這是婦女研究的起點，也是婦研界的共識。但是差別在於如何達成目標：婦研應當發展成一個獨立的學術領域，有自己的機構、人事和預算；或者女性主義者應當加入固有的學術領域，從事女性主義觀點的研究，在各學科內部從事改造。這兩種立場也是1985年聯合國在Nirobi舉辦的第三屆世界婦女大會的重要論辯之一。

主張發展獨立的學術領域的人認為婦研需要自己的理論、方法論和方法，若加入傳統學術領域，婦女成為一個研究變項，將無法改變既有的理論、方法論和方法，一個常用的比喻是”add women and stir”，好像做蛋糕，多加一個配料，讓口味更豐富一點而已，無法產生深刻的改變，無法生產新的知識。

女性主義經典選讀 導言 顧燕翎

貓頭鷹出版社出版

　　二十世紀以前人類歷史主要由男人在發聲、在行動、在記錄；女人默默地被觀看、被占用，鮮有主體性思考，更難以流傳後世。女性主義創造了改變的契機，一代接一代，個別的或集體的女人嘗試撥開父權和資本主義陰霾，在陽光裡照見自己，發掘問題，尋找答案，書寫出自己和其他女人的需要和感覺，連結理論，發展行動，終於改變自己和世界。 　　

　　女性主義萌發於十八世紀後半的歐洲，少數女性受自由主義啟發，個人自主意識覺醒，開始以女人的身分發言，爭取自由、平等、獨立，被稱為自由主義女性主義；集結為團體時則傾向於推動體制內改革，史稱婦權運動或女權運動(women’s rights movement)。十九世紀末，社會主義興起，激發了社會主義女性以「合作的集體主義」取代「自私的個人主義」，試圖將女人從家務和個別的家庭生活中解放出來。二十世紀晚期，年輕知識女性反對階級、種族歧視，參與左派陣營，卻發現以民主和平等為號召的男性領導者歧視女性，乃脫離左派，開始深根性別議題、落實民主參與，自稱激進女性主義，或婦女解放運動（婦解，women’s liberation movement）。 

　　女性主義因女性自覺而生，首度從女性觀點看世界，既需要新創理論分析，尤重實踐和成效檢驗。以上三種基本女性主義站在不同立場互相批判、各自反省、也彼此影響，並與外在變動不居的政治、經濟、社會環境互動，發展出更多元、複雜的論點，從追求女性個人主體性、男女平等的出發點，延伸到探究公平正義的社會、政治、經濟結構，乃至人與萬物的關聯、地球生態的永續存活。論述之間有不同立場的對立衝突，也有融合修正；從早期對純粹理想的堅持，對父權規範的敵視，逐漸接受人群之間以及人與萬物互相依存的現實，朝向既重視自由、理性，也珍惜情感和歸屬需求，而願意協商修訂社會規範，當然協商的基礎必須建立在女性群體累積了足夠的政治、經濟、文化實力之上。

　　兩百年來女性主義者持續的努力已經創造了可見的改變，也留下了思辨的紀錄和行動的履痕，本書試圖從多面向重現女性主義者的心路歷程和重要論述。 全書共分八章：一、女性意識覺醒、二、性別角色反思、三、父權管轄的女體、四、女性情欲和同女發聲、五、婦運初心、六、女性主義新世界、七、理論檢驗與重構、八、策略選擇與行動。與舊版相比，本書在理論方面搜集得更完整，多篇譯文也經主編一再校訂，以求更精確傳達作者原意。新增第五章﹤婦運初心﹥，著重在婦女運動的策略和行動，收納了一百多年來從歐美到非洲的婦運宣言，包括個人的、團體的和全球性的（聯合國）。其中非洲婦女的自我反省值得本地女性主義者引為借鑒。新增的第六章﹤女性主義新世界﹥則添加了生態女性主義和女性主義經濟學對當前資本主義經濟模式的檢討。作者們擔心地球資源有限，無限擴展生產和消費、將勞工「家庭主婦化」的結果，不僅剥削南半球人民、拉大貧富差距，更將帶來人類和生態浩劫，因此設法規劃永續生存以及分享與互助的新生活型態。在氣候極端化和病毒肆虐全球的今日，義意特別重大。第七章有關理論部分，增加了對（曾經十分政治正確）的社運的無結構組織型態的反省，也加入了對近期受到矚目的「新自由主義女性主義」的剖析。整體而言，本書涵蓋了女性主義對父權和資本主義社會的分析、批判，婦運的軌跡、自省，也包括前瞻性的另類思考和方案。

顧燕翎著台灣婦女運動──爭取性別平等的漫漫長路 新增及勘誤 The Women's Movement in Taiwan ---- Additions and Errata

新增

自序  

顧燕翎

　　我前後花了很長時間來寫台灣婦女運動，中間曾因各種原因停擺，包括接任婦女新知董事長、進入台北市政府工作…。最後堅持下來，最重要的原因是不想放棄以女性的身分發聲，想從女人的角度寫歷史，尤其是眼見當今台灣「性別運動」即將（或已經）取代婦女運動之際。本書的副標題：爭取性別平等的漫漫長路，便意在取回「性別平等」的定義權，避免女性改造父權尚未竟功便遭擠壓出局，回到無聲無息的起點。

Surrogacy in Taiwan: notes on the women's movement

Yenlin Ku 顧燕翎

Near the end of 2018 the Student Association of National Taiwan University organized a debate on whether surrogacy should be legalized in Taiwan and invited me to be on the negative side. Receiving the invitation at too late a date, I missed the opportunity to be present and watched the debate, carried out by two professors from different universities, on the internet.

        Surrogacy has been contested as a gender issue in Taiwan since the 1990s. The Ministry of Health (now Health and Welfare), under the pressure from infertile wives and medical doctors, passed the Act of Artificial Reproduction in 2007 to legalize IVF (in vitro fertilization). In the following years, the Ministry made attempts to add surrogacy to the Act. However, the draft was kept at bay by women’s and child protection groups, though supported by sexual libertarians.

Close Encounter with the Mormons

Yenlin Ku, summary of a talk at a conference on the 200^th anniversary of the birth of Joseph Smith, 2005

     First of all, I’d like to make a brief self-introduction. Before joining the civil service, I was a professor of women studies at National Chiao Tung University, and director of the Awakening Foundation, the first and for many years the only feminist organization in Taiwan. I belong to no religious or political groups. Feminism has been the anchorage of my values and directed my personal as well as professional growth. For a long time, Mormons meant to me two clean-cut young Caucasian men riding their bikes around, trying to convert people to their belief. I have to confess here that when they came to knock on my door, I always said, “Sorry, I’m busy.” (Actually, I was really busy.)

Yenlin Ku: Discussion on feminist activism in Taiwan: Women's Studies International Forum

國際婦女研究期刊Women's Studies International Forum31 (2008) 176–191
本期討論台灣婦女運動


一共刊出四篇文章：

Feminist activism within bureaucracy: Process of formulating and
implementing regulations governing the protection of women's rights in Taipei

Yenlin Ku
顧燕翎根據本身在台北市政府的經驗，討論體制內的運動策略，機會與問題

Commentary I: on Feminist activism within bureaucracy Lobbying from
within the Taiwanese state: Sovereignty, citizenship and gender equality

Lenore Lyons
Centre for Asia-Pacific Social Transformation Studies (CAPSTRANS), University of Wollongong, Wollongong NSW 2522, Australia
回應人一：女性主義研究在過去十分重視公民社會、國際政治和全國性政治與婦女權益之聯結，此文提醒我們，地方層級的政治改革可以是一個新的契機。

Commentary 2: on feminist activism within bureaucracy: The “feminist
schism” in Taiwan

Cecilia Milwertz
NIAS — Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen University, Denmark
回應人二：台灣婦運曾因兩個議題分裂：性革命和性工作，雙方並因而產生了與國家不同的關係，婦女新知基金會因為向國家靠攏，而放棄激進立場，開除同情性工作者的同仁。本文應完整交代婦運之內策略選擇的爭執與妥協。

Response to “Feminist activism within bureaucracy: Process of formulating
and implementing regulations governing the protection of women's rights
in Taipei”

Yenlin Ku
顧燕翎回應：個人以為台灣婦運的分裂導因於性革命和國家女性主義（或稱新婦女運動、主流婦女運動）的路線爭執。婦女新知的家變則是長久以來組織管理失控、價值衝突的結果。本人非屬以上任一陣營，此文以激（基）進女性主義者的角度探討政府內部改造的可能性。至於其他議題值得另文討論。

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